Inside the Courtroom with our Pro Bono Partners: Akin Gump and Law Center Win Protection of Food Sharing Rights in Dallas

At the end of March, a federal court delivered a victory to the Law Center and its pro bono partner and LEAP member, Akin Gump Strauss Hauer & Feld LLP, when it ruled that the City of Dallas may not enforce a law that prevents religious organizations from providing food to homeless persons living outdoors. The Law Center’s Civil Rights Attorney Heather Maria Johnson partnered with Akin Gump attorneys in Dallas to represent two religious organizations and one volunteer in their challenge to the city ordinance.  Offering food, services and companionship to poor and homeless people is an integral part of the groups’ ministries.

We caught up via e-mail with Andrew Newman and Lizzy Scott, Akin Gump attorneys who worked on the case pro bono, to talk about their experience.

Guests of Big Heart Ministries' annual Christmas meal dug into hot food on a cold afternoon outside a church on Second Avenue near Fair Park in December 2011. (Dallas Morning News)

IJT: Tell us about litigating the case.  Did it become emotional for you?

“Taking this case to trial was difficult because the City has undertaken many positive programs that aim to help the homeless population of Dallas – in this instance, though, the City did not consider how our clients would be burdened by the numerous requirements for sharing food with homeless individuals,” wrote attorney Andrew Newman. 

IJT: What was the most challenging or surprising aspect of the case for you?

“I think one of the most challenging aspects of the case was ensuring that our clients’ compelling stories came through while also making the necessary legal and factual record.  This case involved our clients’ intensely personal religious convictions, and we wanted to make sure that their beliefs and their stories were never overshadowed by our more technical efforts to prove their case,” said attorney Lizzy Scott.

“As recently as last Sunday one of our clients was out sharing food with the homeless near downtown, and he was told [by police that] he wasn’t allowed to do it in the Central Business District,” Scott told the Dallas Morning News, which covered the case.  “Now he’s very excited to get back to the ministry,” she added.

IJT: What do you have to say about partnering with NLCHP and supporting our overall mission – to serve as the legal arm of the movement to prevent and end homelessness in America?

“It was great to work with NLCHP and help continue this important work—our trial team benefited from NLCHP’s national perspective and insight on this emerging issue of sharing food with homeless individuals in America’s cities,” commented Andrew.

At a time when more emergency food needs are going unmet, cities should be facilitating the efforts of charitable organizations to meet these needs, not infringing their rights to provide food as part of their religious mission.  We are pleased that the Court has vindicated these important rights and grateful to our partners at Akin Gump for their excellent pro bono service.

2013 Symposium on the Human Right to Housing

Last week, a capacity crowd of some 130 lawyers, academics and grassroots activists gathered to spend a day discussing the human right to housing, and strategies to build a legal foundation for that right here in the US.

Co-sponsored by NLCHP, the Human Rights Institute of Columbia Law School and the Program on Human Rights in the Global Economy at Northeastern Law School, the Symposium was an inspiring call to action that included concrete examples of progress now being made at the federal, state and local levels to advance the human right to housing for all-and especially for homeless and poor people.

Among those efforts is the growing movement for state level Homeless Persons’ Bills of Rights. Last year, Rhode Island enacted the Rhode Island Homeless Persons’ Bill of Rights, the first such enforceable law in the nation. Now advocates in California, as well as Oregon, Vermont, Connecticut and Missouri are pressing similar campaigns, with support from NLCHP, which also supported the Rhode Island campaign. Last week, the California bill took a critical step forward when the California Assembly’s Judiciary voted it out of committee. Key demands are protections from laws that criminalize homelessness and that discriminate based on housing status.

Undergirding these campaigns is the call for the human right to housing. Protection from discrimination is critically important, but ensuring the right to housing is essential. Because what we’re fighting for is not just protection from arrest for people forced to live in public places because they are without a home. What we truly want, and believe everyone should have in a country that has the resources to provide it, like ours does, is a decent, safe affordable home.

That’s what the human right to housing promises, and what we and those who gathered in NYC last week are working towards. Passing state bills like that now moving forward in CA are a crucially important step in the right direction.

PODCAST: Protecting Tenants at Foreclosure Act: What Real Estate Professionals Must Know When Tenants Live in Foreclosed Property

Rental property foreclosures remain a national epidemic, affecting millions of people across the country including three million children. Renters are often kept in the dark about the foreclosure status of their homes, and they may not learn that their housing is in jeopardy until they are served with an eviction notice. The Protecting Tenants at Foreclosure Act (“PTFA”) provides important protections to renters in foreclosed properties, requiring new owners to allow any bona fide renters to remain in their homes for the full duration of their lease agreements or for a minimum of 90 days with notice, whichever is longer.

Although the PTFA has been in place since 2009, violations of the law continue. The Law Center has addressed this ongoing problem by collecting information about PTFA violations from tenants and tenant advocates across the country and then working with the named violators to change the way they do business. We believe that working in collaboration to bring new owners and their agents into voluntary compliance with the PTFA is an effective strategy that benefits everyone involved, and our success in building these strategic partnerships suggests we’re right.

One shining example of this collaborative work is with the National Association of Realtors (NAR), an organization whose members represent nearly half of all real estate agents working nationwide. Real estate agents are often the first points of contact for tenants living in foreclosed properties, and it is not uncommon for their communication to be the only information that a renter is given about their housing options. Consequently, the information that a real estate agent provides to a renter is of the utmost importance – it must be accurate, clear, and given in good faith.

When the Law Center learned that real estate agents are among the most commonly cited violators of the PTFA, we reached out to NAR to suggest methods of collaboration that would educate real estate agents of their obligations under federal law. NAR, recognizing the benefit that such collaboration would provide to its members, responded with enthusiasm.

Together, the Law Center and NAR have created written educational materials for real estate agents, answered their commonly asked questions about the PTFA, and composed joint articles for distribution to NAR’s members. Most recently, NAR and the Law Center completed a video podcast about the PTFA. In the podcast, Bill Gilmartin, Senior Policy Advisor at NAR, and Tristia Bauman, Housing Attorney at the Law Center, discuss the application of the PTFA to real estate professionals and how real estate agents can be sure that they are complying with this important federal law in their work. The video podcast is hosted on NAR’s website, as well as on the Law Center’s homepage, and has been advertised to over one million real estate agents. You can watch the video below.

NAR should be commended for making its communication outlets to members readily available to the Law Center. The efforts of NAR and the Law Center to educate real estate professionals about the PTFA will enhance compliance with the law to the benefit of countless renters. This effort serves as an important model that should be duplicated across the country and across relevant industries.

The Dirty Divide in Downtown Los Angeles: A Call for Public Health Equity and Human Rights in Skid Row

As a new father, I’m dealing with a lot of crap on a daily basis, literally. When I go out, I always have to think about bringing along a diaper bag, just in case our daughter decides it’s time to go. For myself, in my house I have no worries, and when I’m out, usually there’s a relatively decent restroom in some restaurant or other facility I’ll have access to. But for many living on the streets, where they can safely and cleanly go to the bathroom is a daily concern.

Credit: KCRW http://bit.ly/11e0NOf

Building on a visit last year from the top UN expert on the right to water and sanitation, which focused attention on the cruel and degrading conditions faced by homeless persons without access to adequate sanitation, our partners at the Los Angeles Community Action Network (LA CAN) are launching their new report, The Dirty Divide, which highlights the continued lack of public health infrastructure for poor residents residing in Downtown Los Angeles, with a particular focus on trash services and restrooms.

This report shows how Los Angeles is violating not just with its own health department’s recommendations but international human rights norms. The report’s concerns about lack of trash and restroom services are connected to three key issues: 1) the public health of Skid Row residents should be protected; 2) equity in services between the “New Downtown” and Skid Row should be upheld; and 3) without access to trash cans and restrooms, Skid Row residents are at risk of criminalization under the Safer Cities Initiative which focuses on low-level offenses such as littering or public urination.

Having been part of numerous trainings with LA CAN on human rights – first as trainer, now learning from them more than I share – and having helped organize for the U.N. visit, I’m so happy to see these tools being put to use in The Dirty Divide, which utilizes a human rights framework to examine what the dire shortcomings in Skid Row mean from a rights-based lens.

In order to respond to the human rights violations outlined in this report and begin to ensure public health equity, The Dirty Divide’s recommendations include:  1) Shift current political and governmental priorities and resources from criminalization to housing; 2) Place adequate numbers of trash receptacles in Skid Row and establish frequent trash collection; 3) Increase access to restrooms; and 4) Develop a community health council to address issues for the long-term.

Last year California led the country in adopting a law declaring that every human being has the right to safe, clean, affordable, and accessible water adequate for human consumption, cooking, and sanitary purposes. This year, California is considering AB5, a Homeless Bill of Rights. L.A. should step up and start leading on these issues, rather than avoiding necessary improvements for the most vulnerable living on the streets in Skid Row.

We at the National Law Center on Homelessness & Poverty are proud to support LA CAN in this call for L.A. to live up to its human rights obligations, stop treating its citizens like trash, and start treating them like human beings deserving of their basic human dignity. I don’t want my daughter growing up in an America that can’t provide that minimum to its most vulnerable citizens.

-Eric Tars

Director of Human Rights and Children’s Rights Programs

Credit: KCRW http://bit.ly/11e0NOf

Criminalization of homelessness – local impact, global issue

As the economic crisis continues at the bottom end of the income spectrum, the past week has brought two victories worth noting, from the most humble of tent encampments to the marble halls of the U.N.’s Palais Wilson in Geneva.

Tent City in Lakewood, NJ

First, our colleagues at the New Jersey Coalition for the Homeless have won a tremendous court victory for those living in Tent City, Lakewood, New Jersey. After fighting the city and county’s efforts to evict them for several years, and pushing, through counter-motions, an alternative vision of the law that says the state was violating their human right to housing (helped, in small part, by assistance from the Law Center), the homeless residents of Tent City have come to a settlement with the city that states, among other things, that  (1) all of Tent City’s current residents may not be ejected by Lakewood unless and until those residents are first offered a plan that provides for (and actually provides) safe and adequate housing for at least a full year; (2) requires Lakewood to dismiss all of the charges that it filed in municipal court and elsewhere about supposed “code violations” in Tent City; and (3) requires the city to provide basic municipal services such as trash removal for the residents until they depart. As Jeffery Wild, lead attorney for the homeless residents said,

“No one can be forced out of where they are now unless they are offered safe and adequate housing indoors. That’s all we ever wanted. We’re not here to defend Tent Cities; no one should have to live in the woods. This is about the right of everyone to have housing.”

Personalized tent city homes in Lakewood, NJ

Second, at the international level, the U.N. Human Rights Committee has requested information from the U.S. government about the criminalization of homelessness in the U.S. Last year, the US Interagency Council on Homelessness issued a report stating that criminalization of homelessness potentially violated the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, which the Human Rights Committee oversees. The U.S is in the middle of reporting to the Committee on our compliance with the Covenant, and the Committee put forth its List of Issues, specifying issues which it feels warrant additional discussion before the U.S. engages in an oral hearing this October. Thanks to our own report, put forth in coordination with a broad group of homeless advocates, criminalization of homelessness was for the first time included in that list, confirming our and the U.S. government’s own interpretation that criminalization raises concerns not just under domestic law, but under our international human rights obligations. The Committee will issue further conclusions and recommendations following the U.S. government hearing in October.

Jeff and his legal team have demonstrated the concrete impact that human rights advocacy has at the local level, while we continue to build global standards to further assist in ensuring all people enjoy their basic human rights. While there are more battles to be fought, we celebrate the victories of this past week, and look forward to the day when we no longer need to fight criminalization of homelessness, because everyone has a safe place to call home.

Positive Decision in Anti-Camping Challenge in Boise

Earlier this month, the Ninth Circuit issued a positive decision in the Law Center’s anti-camping/sleeping challenge, Bell v. City of Boise.  In partnership with Idaho Legal Aid Services and Latham & Watkins, the Law Center brought the case in October 2009 on behalf of seven homeless plaintiffs in Boise, Idaho who had been cited for sleeping outdoors despite a lack of available shelter. The suit alleged that the city’s enforcement of two local camping and sleeping ordinances against the respective homeless persons was unconstitutional, constituted cruel and unusual punishment, and resulted in criminalizing homelessness.

 

Despite the fact that communities all over the country lack adequate affordable housing and shelter space, cities are continuing to penalize people forced to live on our streets and in public spaces. The Law Center’s 2011 report, Criminalizing Crisis, summarizes the results of a national survey by the Law Center on the enforcement of criminalization measures across the country, and concludes that criminalization measures do nothing to solve the problem of homelessness. Instead, they frequently perpetuate homelessness, place unnecessary burdens on our criminal justice system, and violate homeless individuals’ civil and human rights.

According to a government report released in 2006 — the most current data available at the time the suit was brought — the number of homeless residents in Boise ranged from 2,000 to 4,500 people. However, Boise only had 310 year-round emergency shelter beds and overflow or cold-weather space for an additional 400 people, leaving more than hundreds of individuals experiencing homelessness without shelter. Despite the lack of available shelter, the Boise Police Department was issuing hundreds of citations to homeless individuals for sleeping outside under the city’s anti- camping and disorderly conduct laws.  One plaintiff in the Bell v. City of Boise case served 90 days in jail for his citation under the anti-camping law, and plaintiffs were also charged fees by the county for the time of their incarceration.

The district court dismissed the suit, largely on procedural grounds. The Ninth Circuit reversed and remanded to the district court for proceedings on the merits. While this is a procedural decision, it is still an interim success for the Law Center on an important case.

Reflections from a Project LEARN Volunteer

Project LEARN (Lawyers Education Access Resource Network) is a cutting-edge initiative of the Law Center. It is designed to ensure children who are homeless have a stable school life by training lawyers across the country on homeless children’s rights and how to best advocate for them.

By Cara Vasquez, Associate, DLA Piper

Prior to working with the National Law Center on Homelessness and Poverty, I had always imagined homeless individuals as being financially drained, without jobs and certainly without cell phones.  However, advocating for homeless students has opened my eyes to the variety of situations in which people are considered homeless.

A mother in Ohio contacted Project Learn about the looming disenrollment from school of her two daughters, and I immediately volunteered to help from my office in Houston.  The short e-mail blurb on the family explained that they were doubled-up with another family member.   The most intriguing part of this family’s story was that they did not fit within society’s traditional notion of “homeless.” The family had been in the process of buying a new home when their realtor recommended not renewing their apartment lease in anticipation of their home purchase.  The purchase fell through, and the family was down and out.  Unable to sign a new apartment lease due to financial difficulties, they moved in with the mother’s brother in another school district. When the school realized the family had moved, it demanded that the family either move back into the district or pay $600 a month for out-of-district tuition for her two daughters, otherwise the daughters’ enrollment would be terminated. The family did not have the financial means for either option and was certainly not in a position to take action within a week as demanded by the school.

The mother and father had been in contact with the school’s homeless liaison who repeatedly represented that, in her view, their daughters did not qualify under the McKinney-Vento Act because the family had not been evicted.  With the pressing deadline, I called the homeless liaison multiple times a day for a total of nine phone calls, all to no avail; the school did not respond.

Desperate for a resolution, I reached out to Lisa Coleman at the National Law Center to ask for advice.  She was a great resource and explained that homeless liaisons are often juggling many job duties in addition to their role as a homeless liaison.  Lisa suggested contacting the State Coordinator for Ohio, Tom Dannis.  State Coordinators are valuable assets for advocates, and their involvement is often enough to get the ball rolling.  I explained to Mr. Dannis the family’s situation, and he promised he would call the school on their behalf.  Sure enough, once Tom called, the school allowed the girls to finish out the school year!

Finally, I was finally able let the mother know that her daughters were permanent students at their school of origin.  This phone call was a rewarding experience and made all of my attempts worthwhile.  The National Law Center and State Coordinators are both tremendous resources in this process for lawyer advocates who have limited experience in this area.

Annual Homeless Count Doesn’t Tell The Whole Story

At the end of January, public officials and volunteers in communities across the county fanned out, over the course of night, to count the number of homeless persons staying outdoors or in other locations not fit for human habitation (including cars, abandoned buildings, and public transportation facilities like bus stations and airports).  The goal was to contribute to HUD’s annual point-in-time count—the number HUD and most media members cite when asked how many people are homeless in the U.S.  HUD also compares point-in-time numbers from year to year to determine if homelessness is rising or falling.  As the agency puts it: to solve homelessness, we need to know how many people are experiencing it.

Unfortunately, these point-in-time numerations are not fully accurate.  As Law Center Founder and Executive Director Maria Foscarinis explained last year, counts are not completed the same way in each community, often miss many people who are living in dangerous outdoor locations that volunteers avoid, and do not include people who are living doubled-up with relatives or in motels.  We estimate at least 750,000 kids defined as homeless by the Department of Education, plus their families, are not being counted.  And that doesn’t even include children who are too young to attend school.

Indeed, even people now included in the definition of homelessness adopted by HUD as part of the reauthorization of the McKinney-Vento Act are not included in the homeless “counts.” The HEARTH Act defines some doubled-up people and motel dwellers as homeless, if they are about to lose their housing. Yet they are excluded from the homeless counts.

This year, several of our colleagues have joined us in raising concerns.  Paul Boden of the Western Regional Advocacy Project notes similar methodological issues, and observes that homeless counts obscure the real issue: a lack of affordable housing.  And another colleague, who has asked to be anonymous, offers these reflections on her experience as one of the volunteers conducting the count.  As she tells us, “the only thing that seems certain is that it was clearly an undercount of the number of individuals experiencing homelessness in the region.  The only question is by how much.”

No method of counting homeless persons, particularly those who live outside, hiding in the shadows, could possibly be perfect.  But significantly better methods exist, such as those used by Urban Institute researcher and expert Martha Burt and her colleagues, who designed and implemented the National Survey of Homeless Assistance Providers and Clients in 1996, and described in the book Helping America’s Homeless, by Burt and her colleagues.  That survey, using sophisticated techniques beyond comparison to the “counts” now being carried out, estimated 1 million homeless people in February 1996 and 3.5 million over the course of the year.  Given the devastation wrought by the foreclosure crisis and recession, not to mention simple population growth, it seems more than likely that these numbers have risen significantly. Perhaps more important, however, is Burt’s admonition that “the focus of concern should not be on the number of literally homeless people, because these can be made to vary considerably, depending on service capacity and definitions.”  Instead, she says, what is important to focus on is that “a very large pool of poor people [is] living such precarious lives” that they are at imminent risk of literal homelessness. Unfortunately, that pool has only gotten larger, with more and more formerly middle class people joining the very poor.

PIT Count 2013 – Experience, Thoughts and Reflections

Our team began our count around midnight. The weather was warm for a winter night, but rainy – and on the heels of several very cold days. There were approximately 10 of us – an outreach worker and ten volunteers. In addition to the count, we were conducting interviews and providing resources to those we counted/interviewed. Our assigned region was fairly large – a ten-minute drive by car to get from north-to-south or east-to-west. Since our team leader knew of an individual living in the northern most part of our assigned area, this is where we went first. We learned that the individual had constructed his own home and preferred to be left on his own. He refused the interview and resources. We filled out our tally form, and then moved on to our next stop.

We next stopped to speak with a man living in the crevices of a bridge. He also refused the survey & resources. We stopped at a gas station – and spoke with another two men. One accepted the resources but declined the interview. The second man accepted the resources and completed an interview – the first of the night. We then drove down a side street — where we saw a woman sleeping on the porch of an abandoned house. Three of us approached her – she denied both resources and interview.

Following this, we stopped at another gas station, where we spoke with three individuals — one of whom was a female youth. She completed the interview and accepted the resources. We also spoke with a youngish man and another man. At this stop, I conducted one of the interviews with a 56 year old male who said he had been living on the streets for many years. When asked if he experienced mental illness, he stated he believed that sadness is normal and he feels it frequently – but does not self-medicate with drugs or alcohol. He clearly wanted to talk with someone – so much so that it was challenging to stay on target. When asked if he would like a place to stay for the night, he said he did not because he would just stay up all night (it is safer that way) and sleep all day.

After this, we drove by an individual sleeping on a porch. Several people went to interview the individual. According to the man, although he was sleeping on the porch of the house, his relatives were sleeping inside. They would not let him in because of the children in the household. He completed the interview – and accepted the resources. This prompted the question, though – if this were an enclosed porch, wouldn’t it constitute living doubled-up/couch-surfing (as opposed to street homeless)? It is his stable place to sleep — and all that differentiates it is that it is not enclosed.

We continued to drive through our assigned region. We found three men sleeping on the ground outside a building. While all three accepted resources, only one man agreed to an interview. Notably, the third man said that he was not homeless – just hanging out with two friends after a night of drinking. This interview felt somewhat uncomfortable – as not only were there many of us physically present but he was surrounded by his peers (this clearly reduced the privacy of his response… so much so that his friend responded to several questions for him). As we finished the interview, it began raining heavily. We left and drove by a local park, but did not see anyone – nor did we get out to look.

Then we drove to a local hospital. There were two men sleeping in the waiting area. One man woke up and was interviewed by one of the volunteers (and given resources). There were four more men, and one woman, in the emergency department. Three were sleeping soundly – and thus we could not talk with them. One person was awake – but declined an interview; a second person was awake and agreed to an interview. In total, seven individuals were counted, and two were interviewed.

We then went to the train station. On our way, we stopped by a subway stop – where we saw two individuals. One individual was willing to be interviewed (the other was not).

At the train station, I spoke with a man named WA. WA had been homeless for many years. WA identifies as male – but dresses in gender non-conforming clothes. He has a child, for whom he pays child support. WA said he has a history of child abuse and witnessed considerable violence. He said he feels that sorrow and depression are a normal part of life – and would rather feel them than numb the pain with alcohol & drugs. He says that he received financial support, but lost that and is waiting for a housing voucher. He has made a commitment to live positively this year – including getting housing and writing his memoir. I had hoped to continue talking with WA – but we were approached by a police officer. The police officer interrupted us to ask what we were doing. I explained that it was the night of the PIT – and that we were conducting interviews (and the outreach worker came over to verify this). I was able to continue the interview for a few minutes, but was soon asked to leave. I am not sure if any other individuals were counted during the brief time we were in the train station.

At this point, we had covered our geographic region. It was just about 4am.

Total People Counted: 21; (3 women; 1 female youth; 17 men)

Total People Interviewed: 9; (1 female youth; 8 men)

Emotional response: Overall, the process of conducting the interviews was uncomfortable. The “typical” interview process was that several volunteers would approach one individual. I kept trying to imagine what this would feel like from the individual’s perspective… to all of the sudden, in the middle of the night, to be approached by a large group of people asking for an interview. It felt invasive (as did some of the questions) and I wondered if they truly felt like they could decline participation. The survey itself seemed dehumanizing and potentially traumatizing.

Methods: I am not convinced that a) we found everyone we could or that b) the interviews are at all representative. The weather was warm, but rainy. The staff at the hospital said that the waiting room is usually packed with 50 or more people, but it was remarkably empty on the night of the count. Additionally, I know for a fact that we did not visit several places frequent by those without homes. We had a 50% response rate for the interviews (not adequate by research standards). People on other teams also reported counting a low number of people – and conducting even fewer interviews. Notably, because we could not wake people, we only interviewed two people at the VA (even though there were seven people there) – because five people were sleeping soundly. Would doing the count at an earlier hour make a difference in the number of people we could find and/or interview? To what degree did the weather and other contextual factors influence the count? Additionally, people asked questions about what words/terms on the structured interview meant – leaving it to my (or another volunteer’s) interpretation of what words meant (for instance, “serious mental illness”).

All in all, it was an eye-opening experience that makes me wonder how much more we will really know about the number of individuals experiencing homelessness once the data are counted. The only thing that seems certain is that it was clearly an undercount of the number of individuals experiencing homelessness in the region. The only question is by how much? With regard to the interviews, given the low response rate, what does it really tell us about who is homeless and what their experiences are?

 

Federal Court Victory for Homeless Advocates Seeking Unused Federal Property

After years of legal advocacy by the Law Center, a federal court has ruled that the U.S. government is not meeting its obligations under Title V of the McKinney-Vento Act.  Under Title V, the federal government is obligated to offer homeless service providers unused government property for free before trying to sell it.  However, the court found that many federal agencies “appear to be hiding potentially eligible properties from the Title V process” — and that this widespread form of land banking is illegal.

This ruling is a critical win for homeless service providers, who have used Title V properties to provide affordable housing, shelter, food, and job training to over 2 million people experiencing homelessness each year.  And with homelessness growing in recent years – over 1 million homeless students are now enrolled in the country’s public schools — the program is more crucial than ever. The Law Center will soon release a report outlining Title V’s successes and offering recommendations for how it could be made an even more effective resource.

In June 2011, the Obama Administration brought a motion to vacate a long-standing injunction governing how it runs Title V on the grounds that it has an “unassailable record” of compliance with the law. The government provided no evidence of their alleged compliance, however, and in his ruling, Chief Judge Lamberth of the U.S. District for the District of Columbia said it was “baffling” that the Administration thought the court would accept its claim of compliance on nothing other than its own say-so.

As a result of this litigation, not only was the injunction on the government not set aside, but the Law Center was also able to enlarge the injunction’s requirements to include a mandate on the government to improve their training, monitoring, and reporting of properties while the order is in place. The Law Center is grateful to Covington & Burling, who argued in court on our behalf, for their tireless efforts to protect Title V and hold the Obama Administration accountable to the law.